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發表於 2011-7-4 12:11:53
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The making of a prime minister
In a few short weeks, Yingluck Shinawatra has been transformed from a reluctant politician into an aspiring, confident leader _ a statesmanlike figure with a feminine touch
Published: 4/07/2011 at 12:00 AM
Newspaper section: News
Swivel left, wave. Smile. Index finger held high. Turn right, smile. Shoulders steady. Index finger held high.
"Brothers and sisters ka, farm prices are low, yes? You are suffering, yes?" Look determined, empathetic, sympathetic.
"Brothers and sisters ka, give me a chance. Give your vote to number 1."
By nature, Yingluck Shinawatra doesn't fit the characterisation of a policy wonk, a glib debater or a witty jokester, personalities who can be found by the score among the country's parliamentarians.
But she may very well become Thailand's first female prime minister thanks to a brilliant marketing campaign scripted by a legion of political advisers who have helped map every speech, every wave and every message to highlight her strengths while playing down her weaknesses.
Advice led first and foremost by her elder brother, former premier Thaksin Shinawatra, who throughout the campaign has held weekly teleconferences to map strategy and more importantly, reassure his demure sister that yes, she can lead the country.
Just two months ago, Ms Yingluck was still publicly denying any aspirations to lead Pheu Thai, only changing her mind at the very last minute out of familial loyalty rather than any personal ambition. Her early days on the campaign trail were carefully scripted to avoid any protracted debates on policy issues of substance, minefields that her handlers well understood could backfire given Ms Yingluck's inexperience in government and politics.
Stay on message. Emphasise cohesion and sympathy for the people's suffering. Highlight the party's platform, a package of well-crafted policies aimed at reaching all the key interest groups _ farmers, graduates, the urban poor and the struggling middle class. Bemoan the woes of rising inflation and the seeming lack of accomplishments by the Democrats over the past two years.
Off-camera, Ms Yingluck has been a dutiful student. Her speeches have become more polished, more refined and more emotive with each passing day, thanks to greater familiarity and the confidence gained as the front-runner.
Party insiders say that over the past several weeks, Ms Yingluck has transformed from a once reluctant candidate to a truly self-confident one, confidence that rose with each day from polls showing support was forthcoming not just due to Pheu Thai's platform, boredom with the Democrats or her elder brother's shadow, but from a genuine fondness among voters for the soft-spoken businesswoman.
Ms Yingluck originally turned down overtures from the party as she did not welcome the intense scrutiny which a life lived in the public eye entails.
"I'm not ready to give up my life, and particularly my son's happiness, in exchange for the top spot on the party list," she told one Pheu Thai insider earlier this year.
But after heavy courting by her brother and other party lieutenants, she decided to take up the banner in a decision literally made hours before her formal public announcement.
Ms Yingluck, the youngest of nine children of Lert and Yindee Shinawatra, received her first degree in political science from Chiang Mai University in 1988 and a post-graduate degree from Kentucky State University two years later.
Staunchly guarded about her private life, Ms Yingluck has one son with her common-law husband, Anusorn Amornchat, the managing director of M Link Asia, a mobile phone distributor partly owned by her sister Yaowapa.
Her work experience has been gained entirely with Shinawatra-family businesses, starting at Shinawatra Directories Co, a company set up to offer telephone directory services.
In 2002, two years after brother Thaksin swept the polls to start his first term, Ms Yingluck became president of Advanced Info Service, the country's largest mobile operator and the crown jewel of the Shinawatra fortune.
Ms Yingluck maintained the post until 2006, when the Shinawatras sold off their stake in Shin Corp to Singapore's Temasek Holdings. She then moved to a separate family business, becoming president of property developer SC Asset.
Past colleagues and subordinates describe her as "pleasant", "sunny" and "nice", a contrast of sorts from the more cutthroat, wily and resolute character of elder brother Thaksin. "She really does have a positive attitude, one that makes people feel naturally comfortable around her," said one AIS executive.
While some critics may deride Ms Yingluck's qualifications as skin deep, there is no question that for a broad swathe of the population, her sunny, youthful disposition offers a refreshing alternative for voters bored with the masculine godfather caricatures that have dominated national politics for decades.
But a rosy demeanour, beauty, feminity and a background absent of missteps still required considerable shaping if Ms Yingluck was to triumph on the election stump. Thaksin and other senior party figures quickly mapped out a plan to help mould her image into one worthy of Government House. Veteran politician Sudarat Keyuraphan, a Thaksin confidante dating back to their days together with the Palang Dharma Party, brought in a team of experts each given the task of building up her statesmanship.
Niwatthamrong Boonsongpaisal, former head of iTV, a now-defunct news channel once under the Shin Group, was asked to manage media relations and campaign rallies.
Former industry minister Mingkwan Saengsuwan and former deputy prime minister Olarn Chaipravat were given the job of handling economic policies and strategies, while telecom executive Tom Kruesophon helped craft an international media campaign and meetings with overseas diplomats.
Actor and politician Yuranan "Sam" Pamornmontri was brought in to help guide Ms Yingluck in coping with reporters and putting forward a positive public image. Even her body language was re-examined and reshaped _ the way she gives a wai, the traditional Thai greeting, was made more informal on the stump to help convey a more friendly, open image.
Each Monday, the "big four" _ Mrs Sudarat, Mr Niwatthamrong, Mr Mingkwan and Mr Olarn _ sat with Ms Yingluck in teleconferences with Thaksin, no mean campaign strategist himself, to discuss the progress of the campaign.
Economic issues, and widespread concern about rising food and energy costs, took centre stage in many of her speeches. In media interviews, Ms Yingluck was much more coy when probed on policy details or her stance on more delicate issues such as an amnesty to bring her brother back to Thailand or the role of the red shirts in last May's Bangkok riots.
Party strategists quickly ruled out any head-to-head debate with Abhisit Vejjajiva, knowing that his polished wit and rhetoric would almost assuredly put Ms Yingluck at a disadvantage in any discussion on policy.
Her last campaign stop was her biggest yet, a rally before tens of thousands of people at Rajamangala stadium.
Hair matted with rain, voice pitched high and hoarse after weeks of speeches, she delivered her lines without any major missteps before a forgiving, adoring crowd. The speech looked beyond the election to outline a "2020 Vision", a roadmap running into the next decade _ for Pheu Thai, victory was at hand.
Yesterday morning, Ms Yingluck rose early to cast her ballot at Wat Klong Lamchiang in Bung Kum district, then returned home to wait for the exit polls. By the mid-afternoon, it was clear Pheu Thai was heading for a landslide.
The path is now open for Ms Yingluck to become Thailand's 28th prime minister and first female premier in history.
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About the author
Writer: Chiratas Nivatpumin & Srisamorn Phoosuphanusorn
http://www.bangkokpost.com/news/politics/245285/the-making-of-a-prime-minister |
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二零一零年三月二日 下午五时
發表於 2011-7-9 22:46:55
